Biya, Museveni and The Charade of African Democracy

The 1960s were marked by coups across Africa as the continent struggled for competent leadership. Countries such as Egypt, Nigeria, Uganda, Ethiopia, and Equatorial Guinea, among others, were hit by a wave of military governments that set the countries back, undermining the promises the military had made before their coups. Commenting on the effect of Mengistu’s military tenure in Ethiopia, Davit Wolde Giorgis, a fervent supporter of Mengistu’s camp, stated, “We were supposed to have a resolution of equality; now he had become the new Emperor.” There’s no doubt that this comment mirrored the plights of many other military-led countries in Africa. 

While the early 1990s ushered in a wave of democratic transitions in countries like Zambia, Ghana and Nigeria, it seems the continent is still left playing charades, caught between the performance of democratic rule, the reality of authoritarianism, and a resurgence of military rule following the toppling of elected governments in Chad, Mali, Niger, Guinea and Burkina Faso.

Earlier this month, President Paul Biya of Cameroon announced his intention to seek re-election despite his track record. A series of leadership failures has marked Biya’s four-decade tenure. Most important is the ongoing violent conflict between the Anglophone and Francophone-dominated territory in Cameroon that has not only claimed the lives of over 6,000 people since 2017 but also led to the internal displacement of over 1 million persons and 430,000 refugees, with many living in precarious conditions, separated from their families. The conflict has fueled secessionist calls, signaling the fragile state of the country, with many blaming Biya’s inflexible methods to end the conflict. Despite 60% of Cameroonians being among the youthful population, the government is struggling with a failing economy and soaring rates of youth unemployment.  Moreover, the country is faced with a significant crackdown on press freedom, resulting in the death of numerous journalists, including an Orthodox priest and radio presenter, Jean-Jacques Ola Bebe, known for his vocal stance on affairs of the state and corruption. Most notable was the ban on any discussion of the President’s health, which the government claimed was a matter of national security. To top it all, Cameroon suffers cross-border attacks from Boko Haram. If successful, this would be his eighth term since assuming office in 1982, extending his rule to over 43 years. Despite ongoing scrutiny of his ailing health, the 92-year-old President claimed that “the best is still yet to come” in his announcement for the presidential bid.

Biya’s bid is not an isolated incident. It reflects a growing trend across the continent where elected leaders manipulate constitutions and electoral processes to extend their grip on power. In Togo, President Faure Gnassingbé, who has held power since 2005, continuing a family dynasty that began in 1967, recently enacted a major constitutional change granting himself absolute executive powers with no tenure limits. As expected, this triggered widespread backlash from the Togolese citizens, already discontent with the “democratic dynasty” of the Gnassingbé family. However, despite the protests and demonstrations, the pleas of the Togolese people fell on the deaf ears of the Togolese government. As Paul Amegakpo aptly puts it, “The (democratic) rules may exist on paper – elections, assemblies, petitions – but power in Togo is not contested on equal footing. It is captured and preserved through coercion, clientelism, and constitutional engineering.” 

Paul Amegakpo’s statement is no less pronounced in Equatorial Guinea. Home to the world’s longest-serving president, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who came into power in 1979 after a military takeover. Despite elections being held since then, victory never seems to elude the President, as seen in the most recent presidential election held in 2022. This victory, though gained from elections, does not mirror the true intentions of the citizens of Equatorial Guinea, as they are given no freedom to choose. Echoing this stance, Professor Ana Lúcia Sá, in her discussion with the BBC, stated that the “elections are merely cosmetic.” 

Similarly, in Uganda, 80-year-old President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power since 1986, has defied calls for his retirement by declaring his intention to run for a seventh term in office. His incessant rule has been notable for authoritarianism, imprisonment of opposition figures like Bobi Wine, and removal of age and tenure limits, establishing his seat in power with no clear end in sight. Just last month, Museveni came under fire for introducing an unconstitutional amendment that allows civilians to be tried in military courts under certain circumstances, which some say targets opposition figures. 

Sadly, there seems to be no apparent end to constitutional coups in Africa. Just yesterday, President Alassane Ouattara of the Ivory Coast announced that he will be seeking a fourth term for reelection as the country’s President. Ouattara, who is currently 83 years old, said that his health was not an obstacle, and his reelection bid is driven by a need to “preserve national stability amid the ongoing security and economic challenges.” Despite stating that he would not be seeking another term, he has now taken advantage of the term limits he reset back in 2016. Not only has the President announced his bid, but opposition figures, including his most popular rival, Tidjane Thiam, have been barred from running. 

These cases point to a sobering reality: democracy in Africa is increasingly defined by elections without accountability, constitutions without consequences, and power without limits, with an element of dictatorship to silence those with the nerve to critique the government. If countries like Cameroon, Togo, Equatorial Guinea, Uganda, and Ivory Coast continue down this path, they may not only undermine their democratic institutions but also inspire other African countries to walk in their footsteps, echoing the very conditions that led to military takeovers in post-independence Africa. Left unchecked, this trend signals an end to the democratic gains that citizens across the continent have long struggled to secure. 

What’s more troubling is the complicity of regional bodies, ECOWAS and the African Union. In spite of instruments like the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance, adopted in 2007, with the sole aim of promoting the values, principles of democracy and prohibiting unconstitutional amendments, the AU has largely failed to act. While it has responded with sanctions to countries led by military juntas, the Union has failed to address member states faced with constitutional dictatorship. More than ever, the silence signifies a sharp deviation from the principles of good governance and self-determination, which shaped the AU in its early years.