For more than 30 years, the mineral-rich Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo has been plagued by conflict, dating back to the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, which took place between April and July 1994 and resulted in the deaths of an estimated 800,000 to 1 million people. The victims, primarily Tutsi, were killed by extremist Hutu militias and government forces. Recently, Rwanda-backed militia group M23 took over Goma; the largest city in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo, leaving in its wake the death of citizens, destruction of government properties, and a brewing regional crisis.
Origin Of The Crisis In Congo
Over the past month, the M23 has rapidly advanced, seizing territory and tightening its grip on North Kivu province which is lucrative in coltan, gold, and tin ore mines and further deepening one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.
Following its swift offensive, M23 fighters entered Goma—a strategic city of over a million people in eastern DR Congo. Situated on the Rwandan border and the shores of Lake Kivu, Goma is a crucial trade and transport hub, positioned near mining towns that supply high-demand minerals such as gold, tin, and coltan, a key component in mobile phones and electric vehicle batteries.
UN aid agencies have warned of a worsening humanitarian disaster, with hospitals overwhelmed and bodies littering the streets.
Who Are The M23?
The M23 rebel group, led by ethnic Tutsis, claims to have taken up arms to defend the rights of Congo’s Tutsi minority. Well-trained and heavily armed, M23 is the latest in a series of Tutsi-led insurgencies to emerge in Eastern Congo, a region destabilized by two wars following the Rwandan genocide.
While the group insists its mission is to protect Tutsis, the Congolese government has accused M23 of acting as a proxy for Rwanda. Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s administration has repeatedly denied supporting the rebels, despite multiple United Nations reports concluding otherwise.
M23 takes its name from a peace agreement signed on 23 March 2009. The group first gained international attention in 2012 when it swiftly seized large swathes of territory, including Goma, before being forced to withdraw, following international backlash and allegations of war crimes. Defeated by the Congolese army and a UN force, M23 fighters were expelled from the country and later allowed to integrate into the national military in exchange for assurances that Tutsis would be protected.
However, in 2021, the group resumed its armed campaign, claiming that those promises were broken.
Since the M23’s resurgence, Congo, along with the United States and France, has accused Rwanda of backing the rebels. A UN report last year estimated that up to 4,000 Rwandan troops were actively fighting alongside M23, allegedly providing weapons, logistical support, and command structures.
In a statement on Sunday 26th January 2025, Rwanda did not explicitly deny her involvement but instead warned that the conflict near its border posed a “serious threat” to its security. Kigali accused the Congolese government of refusing to engage in dialogue with M23, dismissing allegations of its backing as scapegoating.
A peace process mediated by Angola resulted in a ceasefire last year but quickly collapsed, leading to renewed fighting. Critics argue that Rwanda’s involvement is driven by economic and political interests in Eastern Congo, particularly its vast mineral wealth.
M23 currently controls several key areas, including Rubaya, a major mining region rich in coltan—an essential component in smartphones and electric vehicle batteries. According to UN estimates, the group generates approximately $800,000 (£640,000) monthly by imposing a production tax on the region’s mineral output.
Rwanda’s Involvement
The ‘94 Rwandan genocide came to an end with Tutsi-led rebel forces, under the leadership of Paul Kagame (now the president of Rwanda), seized control of the country.
Fearing retaliation, around one million Hutus fled into what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo). This exacerbated ethnic tensions, as the marginalized Tutsi group present in Eastern DR Congo, the Banyamulenge, felt increasingly at risk. In response to this, Rwanda’s army invaded DR Congo twice, claiming to target those responsible for the genocide.
Three decades later, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu-led militia which includes members involved in the 1994 genocide, remains active in Eastern DR Congo. Rwanda considers the FDLR a “genocidal militia” and views its presence near the border as a direct threat to national security. Additionally, Rwanda accuses the Congolese government of supporting FDLR, an allegation that Congolese authorities have consistently denied.
Rwanda is unlikely to withdraw from Congo unless it believes the FDLR no longer poses a threat to Rwanda or the Tutsi communities in the region. However, many accuse Rwanda of exploiting the conflict to gain access to Congo’s vast mineral resources.
Reactions
A UN peacekeeping mission has been present in Congo since 1999. The current force, known as Monusco, consists of more than 10,000 troops. However, only the Force Intervention Brigade is authorized to conduct offensive operations against armed groups. This brigade played a key role in defeating the M23 rebels in 2013.
Despite its presence, Monusco has faced widespread criticism from Congolese civilians who view it as ineffective with President Félix Tshisekedi calling the mission a failure, and demanded its withdrawal by the end of last year. However, delays pushed back its departure, and in December, the mission was extended for another year.
Meanwhile, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a regional bloc of 16 nations, has also deployed troops to eastern DR Congo. However, they have struggled to contain the rebels. South Africa reported that 13 of its soldiers were killed in clashes while attempting to stop a rebel advance on Goma. This revelation on Thursday prompted a response from President Paul Kagame of Rwanda who accused President Ramaphosa of “lying” and “distorting.” Kagame on X said: “What has been said about these conversations in the media by SA officials and President Ramaphosa himself contains a lot of distortion, deliberate attacks and even lies. If words can change so much from a conversation to a public statement, it says a lot about how these very important issues are being managed,” Kagame ended his post on X by saying: “if SA prefers confrontation, Rwanda will deal with the matter in that context any day.”
Three Malawian soldiers also lost their lives, and the UN confirmed that a Uruguayan peacekeeper serving with Monusco had been killed.
The escalation comes as global attention is focused elsewhere. “The U.S. is looking inward. Europe is divided. The Middle East is in turmoil. Kagame seized the moment,” a Western diplomat told Reuters.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame has long cultivated the image of a reliable partner in a volatile region. Over the past decade, he has strengthened ties with countries that might otherwise hold him accountable for actions in Congo. He forged a relationship with Britain by agreeing to accept asylum seekers deported from the UK.
Across the Atlantic, Donald Trump’s return to power has introduced uncertainty into Washington’s approach to Africa, adding another layer of unpredictability to the region’s already complex dynamics.
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