“Report Boldly, But Do So Truthfully”: The Irony of Press Freedom Under Tinubu

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the 12th of November, stood before editors and media practitioners, touting his administration’s positive relationship with the media, stating that he welcomes criticism and urging bold but fair journalism. “Report boldly, but do so truthfully,” he said, “critique government policy, but do so with knowledge and fairness.” He reiterated that the press must never aim merely to undermine, but to help build a better society. 

In the same vein, his Minister of Information declared that with over 1,000 licensed radio and television stations in Nigeria, “not a single one has been threatened, gagged, or shut down by the government for expressing dissent.” Yet, in the everyday realities of Nigerian journalism since Tinubu came to power in May 2023, the gulf between this rhetoric and what happens in practice is glaring.

It is tempting to believe that we have moved beyond the era when dissident reporters were shot in the streets or papers simply closed overnight. The Tinubu administration does not, on the surface, resemble those authoritarian predecessors. But beneath the veneer of friendly press-soundbites there is a pattern of harassment and intimidation of journalists which is often hidden under the guise of legality, through legislation such as the infamous Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act 2015. Such legislation serves to embolden the slow grinding of press freedom — not with gunshots, but with administrative bolts.

Foundation for Investigative Journalism highlights at least 11 Nigerian journalists whose professional and personal lives have been disrupted since 2023. They serve not simply as individual cases, but as sign-posts of a wider issue.

Segun Olatunji, editor of FirstNews

Arrested in his Lagos home on March 15 2024 by a joint force of military and intelligence operatives (Army, Air Force, Defence Intelligence Agency and plain-clothes men) following a story linking the President’s Chief of Staff to a $30 billion loot. Olatunji spent 14 days in an underground military cell and describes still feeling unsafe and under surveillance.

Daniel Ojukwu, reporter with the Foundation for Investigative Journalism

Vanished in early May 2024 and was later found in custody of the National Cybercrime Centre. He was accused of violating the Cybercrime Act for articles exposing corruption, only to be held days without formal charge.

Kasarachi Aniagolu, of The Whistler

Was covering a raid by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in Wuse, Abuja on February  21 2024, when she was arrested by anti-violent crime police, assaulted, threatened with death, and had her gadgets confiscated. She was held for eight hours.

Achadu Gabriel, a reporter at Daybreak

Arrested on November 13 2023 after publishing a report about pilgrims at a Hajj camp in Kaduna. He was arraigned for defamation, intimidation and incitement of religious contempt, and held in a unit run by the special police operation called “Operation Yaki”.

Godwin Tsa, from The Sun

Was covering a peaceful protest of mechanics and spare-parts dealers in Abuja in December 2023. Development Control officials of the Federal Capital Territory Administration beat him, placed him in a police Hilux along with demonstrators, and dumped him in a cell reserved for criminals — even though he held a press ID.

Precious Eze, an online publisher in Lagos

Arrested at home on May 27 2024,  by a police “special task force”. His phones and gadgets were seized, and he was held incommunicado. Formal charge appears elusive—his offence: publishing material that apparently displeased powerful interests.

Salihu Ayatullahi (editor-in-chief) and Adisa-Jaji Azeez (managing editor) of Informant247 

Both were arrested by the Kwara State Police on February 6 2024 for reporting that the rector of Kwara State Polytechnic was involved in financial fraud. They were charged under Section 24(1)(b) of the Cybercrime Act (“cyberstalking”) and defamation under the Penal Code. They were granted bail, with the defamation case only being dismissed in January this year.

Saint Mienpamo, CEO of Naija Live TV 

Published on September 8 2023 a report about a man allegedly killed outside the office of the Presidential Amnesty Programme in Abuja. On October 10 he was arrested at a friend’s home, transferred from Yenagoa to Abuja, convicted of cyberstalking and held in a correctional facility for nearly 4 months before he was released on bail.

Abdulrasaq Babatunde (publisher of Just Events Online) and Lukman Bolakale (publisher of Satcom Media) 

Arrested on September 11 2023 by the Kwara State anti-kidnapping/cultism police unit after a call from state officials. They spent 10 days in detention before a magistrate ordered their release.

Beyond the named list, dozens more journalists continue to face threats, harassment and arrests for doing little more than their jobs. To reiterate; the media clampdown characteristic of this administration is rarely loud. There are few overt shutdowns of TV stations, few mass jailings of dozens of journalists at once. This allows officials to point to the façade of freedom and claim not to have silenced anyone, but the selective use of laws, intimidation tactics, raids, and detentions without transparency sends a persistent message that dissent has a price.

Consider how the Cybercrime Act functions in this ecosystem. Introduced in 2015, Section 24 initially criminalised statements on the internet that were “offensive” or “annoying,” with penalties ranging from NGN 7 million to NGN 25 million and up to ten years’ imprisonment. A 2022 ruling of the ECOWAS Court of Justice found that Section 24 violated the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. In response, the Act was amended: the section was narrowed to cover only messages in electronic form that are “pornographic or knowingly false, and aimed at causing a breakdown of law and order or threatening life.” 

In theory this is an improvement — but in practice the Act continues to be abused as a tool to silence critics, journalists, activists and ordinary citizens.

Yet, despite all this, the President still stands before editors asking them to partner with his government. And the Minister of Information insists no station has been silenced. But the lives of Nigerian journalists tell a different story. They show that although the regime may not resort to the bullets and bonfires of past eras, it is steadily tightening the screws of surveillance, detention and legal harassment.

The danger isn’t merely that the state shuts down the media. The danger is that the media is pushed to shut down itself. And that, ironically, is the most efficient censorship of all. Tinubu’s government may not declare a state of emergency over the press, but it doesn’t need to. It simply needs to menacingly whisper: “Are you sure that’s what you want to print?”

In 2024 the press-watchers at Reporters Without Borders placed Nigeria 112th out of 180 countries in their Press Freedom Index, noting that Nigerian journalists are “regularly monitored, attacked and arbitrarily arrested.” 

The words of the President ring hollow, almost mocking. The record shows that while his administration’s guns remain in their holsters, their grip on the media has grown tighter. If press freedom therefore “thrives” under Tinubu’s administration, it certainly is not because he permits it, but because journalists continue to fight for it, against the odds.